Muskets became An Ill-fated Necessity As The People Prepared To Defend Themselves Against Northern Aggression.

In these posts, I tell of two of my ancestors who, in 1861, arrived in Aotearoa New Zealand. My Irish great-great-grandmother Maria Dillon landed in January, just a few months before the gold rush that would utterly transform Dunedin and the province of Otago. My great-grandfather, the Scotsman Archie Sligo, was among the flood of hopeful diggers who disembarked in October of that year.

I wanted to learn more about the forces that propelled them from their homelands, what attracted them to their new country, what happened here shortly before they arrived, and what they encountered as they set about making new lives for themselves.

These posts reveal part of their stories.

Previously: As Ever Proceeded From the Perverted Ingenuity of Man.

Otago is one of the six original provinces of Aotearoa New Zealand, created in 1853. Five years earlier, on 22 June 1848, it was adopted as the name for the New Zealand Company’s Dunedin settlement. It comprised the lower third of Te Wai Pounamu, the South Island, with Canterbury Province to its north, extending around 200 kilometres east to west and north to south. Its boundary was defined by the Waitaki River, which flows from the Southern Alps into the Pacific Ocean and a straight line to Awarua (Broad) Bay.[1]

Otago Province in 1853. Author Ulanwp, 2016. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:New_Zealand_Provinces_Otago_1853.png

Ōtākou originally referred to a settlement at the mouth of the Otago Harbour, while the more extensive hinterland was and still may be called Āraiteuru, named after an ancestral Ngāi Tahu canoe. In the southern Ngāi Tahu dialect, a k sound is usually pronounced as a hard g. Some early European migrants wrote the name down as “Otargo”, recording the word as they heard tāngata whenua saying it. Consequently, Otago is a fair pronunciation of Ōtākou.[2]

Iwi In Ōtākou

Early iwi in Te Wai Pounamu were the Waitaha people, who interacted with tribes in Te Ika a Māui, the North Island, trading valued resources such as preserved meat from the giant flightless bird the moa. They were thought to have maintained pā (fortified settlements) at the mouth of the Mata-Au, Lake Te Anau, Lake Wakatipu, and Oamaru, among other sites.[3] Stories were told about people preceding them, known as Te Rapuwai, Katikura, and perhaps the ghost or giant folk Kahui-tipua.[4] Eventually, Waitaha fell victim to Ngāti Māmoe from the north, drawn by the South Island’s copious resources.[5]

Giant Haast Eagle Attacking Moa. Author John Megahan, 2004. Source PLoS Biology. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Giant_Haasts_eagle_attacking_New_Zealand_moa.jpg

Particularly sought was the precious hard and workable pounamu, green jade, often abundant in West Coast riverbeds. For the fine cutting edge that it permitted in manufacturing adzes, chisels, and weapons, it was, in its turn, decisive in alluring Ngāi Tahu. From the late seventeenth century onward, this iwi gradually superseded Ngāti Māmoe by warfare and intermarriage and was the dominant tribe in the South Island by about 1800.[6] When Europeans started arriving, Ngāi Tahu referred to them as Ngā Tāngata Pora, shipboard people.[7]

While Waitaha, Ngāti Māmoe and Ngāi Tahu all established their principal settlements on the coasts, they created numerous tracks across the island’s landscapes as the tribes transported their precious pounamu for barter with North Island iwi. Ōtākou’s successive iwi formed many permanent coastal residences, with fewer inland.[8]

Māpoutahi Peninsula, Blueskin Bay, Dunedin, site of a Ngāti Māmoe pā during the century before the arrival of Europeans. Photographer Alistair Patterson, 2022. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:M%C4%81poutahi_p%C4%81_(Goat_Island)_Blueskin_Bay,_Dunedin_New_Zealand.jpg

Ngāi Tahu people ranged widely throughout their island. Even though they did not necessarily reside long in particular inland places, over the centuries, they specified names and a narrative for every river, stream, mountain, and hill. Each landmark owned an affinity with whakapapa (genealogy) of iwi and hapū.

Historic memories were retained by speech and purakau, literally tradition on wood, carved records representing a tradition (pu) inscribed on rakau (wood).[9] Here was both ancient and recent tribal history, recording crucial events charged with meaning: “the signs and marks of the ancestors are embedded below the roots of the grass and herbs .... the footsteps of our ancestors remain on the land forever”.[10] Myths and legends maintained creation stories or clarified the people’s intimate connection with the supernatural. The earth was the mother in relationship with whom demigods filled the rivers, lakes, seas, forests, and skies with living beings.[11]

Otago Harbour and Peninsula from Satellite. Author NASA and Ulrich Lange, 2007. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dunedin_Otago_Peninsula_Harbour.jpg

Hapū would develop expertise in particular areas, some harvesting southern bull kelp along the Otago Peninsula, especially in summer. The people used it to manufacture pōhā, bags wrapped in a protective layer of tōtara bark to transport clean water or store preserved food such as titi, the mutton bird. Others would farm live shellfish, while some hapū specialised in excavating and preparing tī kōuka’s edible roots and rhizomes.[12]

Tī Kōuka (Cabbage Tree), Otago Peninsula, 2022. Photographer Ray O’Brien. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Otago_t%C4%AB_ko%C5%ABka_26.jpg

An important Māori food staple, kūmara, does not grow well in the south, and another source of nutrition, fruit from the karaka tree, was not found south of Banks Peninsula.[13] Because it was difficult to maintain an enduring food supply in one place, the Ōtākou people followed a hunter-gatherer lifestyle. As such, mahika kai was an essential element in their culture, meaning a systematic programme of harvesting food and other resources in a predictable series of sites according to the seasons.[14]

Elephant Seal and Southern Bull Kelp, Marion Island, 2007. Photographer CridF. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Elephant_Seal_and_southern_bull_kelp.jpg

The extensive wetlands of the Taieri plains were greatly valued for eels and waterfowl. Plentiful shellfish, barracuda, cod, and groper thrived along the Otago coast. To transport their harvest and pounamu, the people employed lightweight rafts called mōkihi made from harakeke or raupō (bulrush) stalks lashed into bundles.[15]

Harakeke (Phormium Tenax), 2005. Photographer David J. Stang. National Arboretum, U.S.A. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Phormium_tenax_Purpurea_1zz.jpg

Other mahika kai collected were fern root (aruhe), tui, kererū, pāua, seals (pakake), frostfish (para), harakeke stems (kōrari), minnows (inaka), flounders (pātiki), mullet (aua), pipi, cockles (tuaki), and limpets (whētiko), comprising a “supermarket of old”.[16]

By 1840, New Zealand still had around 670,000 hectares of freshwater wetlands in the vicinity, many important to Māori for resource collection. During the following 150 years, settlers drained eighty-five per cent of the marshy lands, the soils sown in grasses for paddocks.[17]

Customary laws laid out how the people were to manage sustainable food gathering according to the season. When harvests were completed, trading expeditions would proceed in large canoes to transport their goods for barter to the north, especially pounamu and preserved birds, returning with kūmara and taro. Ōtākou Māori regularly travelled as far as Kaiapoi, halfway up the island. These trading events also allowed them to pass on news and reaffirm relationships among Ngāi Tahu hapū.[18]

Sunset, Looking Up Otago Harbour from Taiaroa Head Towards Dunedin. Photographer Jonathan Corbet, 2015. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dunedin_Sunset_(192366067).jpeg

Ōtākou was the name of the channel that enters the Otago Harbour and borders its eastern side. The term may also recollect an early ancestor of Ngāti Māmoe, Tākou. Similarly, the Dunedin suburb Ōpoho recalls the ancestor Poho, while some thought that the name came from the traditional homeland of Hawaiki.[19] The harbour, or Wai Ōtākou, and its associated wetlands formed a rich food source. The first European maps show local kaika (settlements), including Pukekura, Ruatitoko, Te Rauone, Tahakopa, Omate and Te Waipepeka, including some located at intervals along the edges of the Otago Peninsula or the lower harbour.[20]

The Otago Peninsula is now home to the world’s only mainland albatross colony. When Waitaha and Ngāti Māmoe were the locality’s mana whenua, the peninsula was called Muaūpoko. Its headland was known as Taiaroa Head and is the site of an ancient, fortified pa, Pukekura, Ngāti Māmoe’s most famous stronghold.[21]

Sealing and Whaling

From the early 1800s, sealing gangs from America, Britain, Australia and elsewhere ruthlessly exploited the vast colonies of kekeno, the New Zealand fur seal, hunting them close to extinction. For centuries, seals had been taken fairly sustainably for food by tāngata whenua.[22] One estimate gave the population of kekeno to be over 100,000 in the south of the South Island by 1800.

New Zealand Fur Seal/ Kekeno. Photographer Pseudopanax, 2018. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Fur_seal_sitting_on_top_of_rock.jpg

However, the British, American, and Australian capitalists who financed the sealing expeditions had no interest in managing the seal population as a long-term resource.[23] They intended solely to maximise their immediate financial gain by exporting sealskins, sometimes in multiple thousands per shipload, to Sydney and beyond. They sold the fur and skins for luxury clothing and rendered the animals’ fat for lamp or cooking oil, lubricants, or soaps.

Distribution of N.Z. Fur Seal/ Kekeno. Author Mirko Thiessen, 2005. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Arctocephalus_forsteri_distribution.png

Rather than seeing Australia and New Zealand as separate, people tended to think of Australasia as a single entity, but it lacked formal borders or regulations. Ngāi Tahu chiefs were well aware of how their seal resource was being destroyed and protested to the British authorities that kekeno would be exterminated unless they intervened. No action was taken, but Māori concerns of this kind created another reason for the U.K. to consider acquiring the country as a colony.

As fur seal populations approached annihilation in the late 1820s, the sealers diversified into harvesting timber and harakeke, often collaborating with iwi, who supplied potatoes, fish, and pork.[24] Potatoes quickly became the most important local food crop, and even as early as 1809, iwi cultivated them in extensive gardens of up to 40 hectares along Foveaux Strait. Some trade with American ships in tattooed heads also occurred, the price per head reportedly being one keg of gunpowder or two muskets.[25]

From Space: Foveaux Strait Between Stuart Island and the South Island, 2010. Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, L.B. Johnson Space Center. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:ISS023-E-33340_-_View_of_the_South_Island_of_New_Zealand.jpg

By the late 18^th century, whaling ships were arriving in New Zealand waters, and Māori promptly signed on as crew. By one estimate, American ships departed from New Zealand with two more crew members than when they arrived, most of whom were Māori. These seamen were soon familiar with numerous ports in the Americas, Europe, and Asia, building their understanding of the world and their skills in trade, shipping, and European technologies.[26]

Frank Nelson in the Forecastle, 1876. Author H. Castlemon, 1876. New York Public Library. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Frank_Nelson_in_the_forecastle_-_or,_The_sportsman%27s_club_among_the_whalers_(1876)_(14729988416).jpg

In 1831, the English Weller brothers, whalers and merchant traders, founded a whaling station at Ōtākou. From the early 1830s, the Otago Harbour was a favoured sheltering spot for deep-sea whalers from the U.S.A., the U.K., and elsewhere. As with the virtual extermination of seals on the mainland and offshore islands, the overseas merchants funding the whaling crews who converged on the Otago coast had no wish for a sustainable industry. Instead, they intended to kill as many whales as fast as possible, boil them down for their oil, and export this and other whale products to Australia and Europe.[27]

A Fleet of Whalers. Artist Adriaen van Salm, circa 1710. Royal Museums Greenwich. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:A_Fleet_of_Whalers_RMG_BHC0954.tiff

During whaling’s heyday in the 1820s and 1830s, its workers generated much wealth, but the actual beneficiaries were the Australian merchants who owned the onshore depots. They also controlled food and liquor supplies for the men and sold them to their workers for far more than their original cost in Sydney. Given their isolation, the men lacked any option other than to pay exorbitant prices. Their living costs often exceeded their income, putting them into continual debt. Since no ships other than their employers’ called at the station, the men had little choice beyond working there.[28]

Men Boiling Whale Blubber at Tokerau Beach, Northland, New Zealand. Alexander Turnbull Collection. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:New_Zealand_whalers_boiling_whale_blubber.jpg

Another effect of the short-lived whaling industry was that the shore bases attracted Ngāi Tahu people. By the late 1830s, much whaling around the Foveaux coast involved Ngāi Tahu working for Europeans or themselves. A thriving trade developed in potatoes, pork, and eventually, harakeke for export, bartered for whaleboats and iron tools. Given their better stability and carrying capacity, Ōtākou Ngāi Tahu came to prefer whaleboats over their traditional canoes. Hapū sometimes leased to whalers a shore station and permission to kill whales in a particular coastal area.[29]

However, the people’s traditions were being undermined, such as by their often being paid in alcohol. Their regular pattern of seasonal resource gathering was disrupted, and by then, waves of Ngāi Tahu refugees from the north were starting to arrive, fleeing invasion by the northern Ngāti Toa tribe. From their earliest contact, southern Ngāi Tahu, unlike many iwi to the north, had been prepared to intermarry with Europeans and then adopt and adapt a proportion of their ways.

By the mid-century, there were around 140 relationships between whalers, Ngāi Tahu women, and 600 mixed-descent children.[30] Official opinion about marriage between British and tāngata whenua was positive. Willoughby Shortland, New Zealand’s first Colonial Secretary from 1841, recommended that “the legal intermarriage of Europeans with the Aboriginal subjects of Her Majesty is highly worthy of every just encouragement”.[31]

Willoughby Shortland (1804-1869), date unknown. New Zealand Acting Governor 1842-1843. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Willoughby_Shortland.jpg

Ultimately, though, disruptions to the people’s everyday economic, social, and cultural practices came at the cost of destabilising their traditional ways of life. The massive surge of whaling had mainly finished by 1840. While killing whales was not made illegal in New Zealand waters until 1978, the trade never again created the wealth it had achieved in the mid-1830s.

A prominent early merchant in Dunedin and its wider area was Johnny Jones of Waikouaiti, described as “a shady, even a ruffianly Sidney-sider”[32] who ran 18 ships, including the paddle steamer Geelong. He owned seven whaling stations from Foveaux Strait to Waikouaiti but turned early to farming as whaling diminished. When the Presbyterian Free Church migrants arrived from Scotland in 1848, he established a trading store in Dunedin.[33]

Jones allegedly purchased, on 18 October 1838, a vast stretch of terrain in Southland near Invercargill from the chief Tūhawaiki for “two pieces of tobacco, ten dozen duck frocks, two dozen duck trousers, sixty pairs of blankets, two dozen pairs of shoes, one cask of gunpowder, twenty muskets and £40 in money.”[34]

So-called purchases of this nature were one of the reasons why, two years later, the British government eventually and reluctantly decided that it needed to intervene in the country, formulating a Treaty to regulate land procurement and sales.[35]

The Te Rauparaha War

Starting around 1828, Ngāti Toa’s fighting chief, Te Rauparaha, launched from his stronghold on Kapiti Island successive hostilities against Ngāi Tahu and other iwi living in the north of Te Wai Pounamu, the South Island. He had become a leader among his Ngāti Toa people and within his loose confederation of allied tribes and hapū through his physical courage in war, strategic abilities, and local dominance in the trade in muskets.

Te Rauparaha, Ngāti Toa Chief, watercolour by R. Hall, 1840s. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Te_Raparaha,_chief_of_the_Kawias,_watercolour_by_R._Hall,_c._1840s_cropped_(cropped).png

European military technology had introduced a radical change to iwi interrelationships. Modern European muskets had become essential in inter-tribal warfare and gave extraordinary military advantage to the early-adopting tribes. Nearly all the iwi in the North Island had been acquiring European muskets and, in some cases, even small cannons. Te Rauparaha’s expansion southwards also came from pressure from other northern iwi as various tribes, in their shifting alliances, competed among themselves and with Ngāti Toa for predominance.

Ngāpuhi Chief Hongi Hika Returning from Bay of Islands Raid During the Musket Wars. Drawn by an unknown artist in the 1860s. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hong-hika-war-canoe.jpg

Further, however, Te Rauparaha was attracted to the potential conquest of Te Wai Pounamu, the South Island, especially for its treasury in precious pounamu (greenstone), used to make high-quality tools, weapons, and ornamentation. The land’s scant settlement was also attractive, unlike the more densely populated Te Ika a Māui, North Island, where the musket wars created much social and economic disturbance. The low residency count meant the island was rich in resources, such as bird life. It also had the potential for beneficial trading relationships with the European whalers operating there.[36]

The southern tribes originally were relatively unaffected by the northern musket wars that were starting to wreak havoc within Te Ika a Māui, commencing around 1806. Yet previous anxieties about an invasion from the north were now being realised. From the late 1820s, Te Rauparaha’s first incursions against iwi at the top of the South Island showed that musket technology would be necessary for self-defence.

In addition, Ngāi Tahu’s ability to plan for and counter Ngāti Toa was weakened by an internal tribal feud during the 1820s. Disputes were followed by warfare that broke out among northern sections of Ngāi Tahu into which Ōtākou hapū were drawn from their relationships with kindred further up the island. Given the inevitable deaths of non-combatants, no conflict is more vicious or harrowing than a civil war. Ongoing battles, known as kai huānga (eat relation), weakened Ngāi Tahu’s defensive capacity, initially hampering their ability to strategise and fight off Ngāti Toa attacks.[37]

Monument Commemorating Ngāi Tahu Killed in Te Rauparaha’s Attack on Kaiapohia Pā in 1831. It was erected by Canon Stack in 1898 on the original pā site. The photograph dates from circa 1910s. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Stone_monument_to_Kai_Tahu,_on_the_site_of_Kaiapohia_Pa,_commemorating_those_who_died_in_attacks_by_Te_Rauparaha_and_his_northern_followers_(21650118551).jpg

By the late 1820s, Ngāti Toa possessed many muskets and were well experienced in their use, unlike Ngāi Tahu. The use of firearms in assaults across Marlborough and then further south constituted a one-sided contest, so Te Rauparaha’s victories in the island’s north forced a tidal flow of Ngāi Tahu evacuees to the shelter of their relatives in Ōtākou. Ōtākou chiefs gave incoming refugees occupation rights along Otago Harbour’s western edge and into Pūrākaunui Bay.[38]

By the early 1830s, Te Rauparaha was launching attacks on Akaroa, then Kaiapoi, but was successfully opposed by Otago chiefs, including Taiaroa, Te Whakataupuka and following his death, by the prominent rangatira Tūhawaiki, of Ngāi Tahu and Ngāti Māmoe descent.[39] While the northern tribes had had muskets for many years, Ngāi Tahu had been acquiring them only more recently. Te Maire Tau points out that Te Rauparaha’s assault on southern Ngāi Tahu brought together diverse hapū and required them to collaborate in a joint defence for the first time.[40]

The first European land purchase in Te Wai Pounamu’s south occurred on 9 November 1832. Under that deed of purchase, Peter Williams, a whaling station manager at Dusky Bay, purchased from the prominent Ngāi Tahu chief Te Whakataupuka a substantial amount of ground extending from Preservation Inlet to Dusky Sound, paying 60 muskets, gunpowder and shot. While southern Ngāi Tahu had no wish to sell their land, muskets became an ill-fated necessity as the people prepared to defend themselves against northern aggression.[41]

Dusky Bay in New Zealand by William Hodges (1744-1797). Auckland Art Gallery. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:William_Hodges_-_Dusky_Bay_in_New_Zealand_-_L2017-34_-_Auckland_Art_Gallery.jpg

By the mid-1830s, Te Rauparaha had taken a decisive advantage over Ngāi Tahu and related iwi in most of the northern half of the South Island, killing and enslaving numerous people and generating waves of refugees to the south. However, he was smarting from his losses in engagements with Ōtākou’s renowned chiefs, and it was clear that they fully intended to oppose his southward expansion.

Te Pēhi Kupe, portrait by John Sylvester, circa 1826. National Library of Australia. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Portrait_of_Te_Pehi_Kupe_by_John_Sylvester._c._1826._National_Library_of_Australia.png

In a Kaiapoi battle, Ngāi Tahu had killed Te Rauparaha’s uncle and close ally, Te Pēhi Kupe, and other Ngāti Toa leaders. As his son Tāmihana emphasised, Te Rauparaha never forgave the enemy tribe for the loss of his relative, vowing to exterminate them.[42]

The last major battle between Māori in the South Island was in 1837 when Tūhawaiki ambushed and annihilated an invading Ngāti Toa war party at Tuturau, near Gore, led by Te Pūoho-o-te-rangi, Te Rauparaha’s famous fighting chief.[43] The following year, Ngāi Tahu waylaid Te Rauparaha and some of his iwi at Kapara Te Hau (Lake Grassmere), and Te Rauparaha himself came close to being captured.

Sunrise at Cape Campbell and Lake Grassmere. Photographer Phillip Capper, 2005. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Cape_Campbell_sunrise.jpg

Te Rauparaha’s series of southern conquests had ended, and he proposed a peace treaty later in 1838.[44] By the late 1830s, Ngāti Toa, among other tribes, had been considering the messages advocated by Christian missionaries and saw how they could employ the philosophy and ways of life that were espoused.[45]

Importantly, incessant inter-tribal warfare had produced upheaval and destruction. Perhaps a third of the country’s Māori population of around 150,000 had been impacted through death, injury or being forced to flee their homes, so it was becoming clear that the constant toll of casualties and disruptions helped no one.[46]

In his magisterial history of Otago, published in 1949 to honour the province’s centenary, A.H. McLintock points out that Te Whakataupuka, Taiaroa and Tūhawaiki’s successful defence of the south created an enduring concord that substantially benefited the Scottish Free Church Presbyterians who would arrive a few years later.[47] Otago’s settlement could not have proceeded peacefully and straightforwardly had local warfare been prevalent.

Tāmihana Te Rauparaha in London, 1852. Painter George Angas. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:T%C4%81mihana_Te_Rauparaha,_watercolour_by_George_French_Angas,_1852.jpg

In 1839, Te Rauparaha’s son, Tāmihana Te Rauparaha, was instrumental in obtaining an Anglican missionary to serve the Kāpiti region. In July 1843, he ventured south, deep into the former enemies’ territory in Ōtākou, preaching the Christian gospel and the virtues of peace to Ngāi Tahu.[48] His father retained residual regrets that he was not about to achieve the revenge he had planned for many years for Ōtākou Māori. However, he accepted that he could not destroy his southern enemies.[49]

Coming up in future posts:

The People Were Offered up as a Sordid Sacrifice on the Glittering Altar of Commerce.

The Peace of the Pākehā is More to be Feared Than His War.

The Missionary, the Bishops, and the Drunken Whalers.

A Pure City of God on Dunedin’s Unsullied Hills.

The Independence and Cheek of the Labouring Class, Particularly of Female Domestic Servants, Is Beyond All Endurance.

Squatters Rush in, Rabbits Rampant, and Too Many Flocking Sheep.

Gold, a Wedding, Injury, and One More Throw of the Dice.

An Irruption of Strenuous Men, a Ranting, Roaring Time.

But the Thief, Complete With Door, Outran Him and Disappeared into the Raggedy Ranges.

Saddle Hill: Beyond Dunedin’s Disgusting Malodorous Effluvia and a Pestilence of Blowflies.

“Well, No”, Countered the Digger, “But I’ll Give You Sixpence if You Polish Me Boots”.

A Burden Almost Too Grievous to be Borne and Making Shipwreck of Their Virtue.

The Irish Spiritual Empire, a Cycle of Sectarian Epilepsy, and a Certain Fat Old German Woman.

Better at the Language Than Those Who Owned It and Equally Determined to be Both Themselves and to Conform, Fit In.

I Found It a Matter of No Small Difficulty to Collect the Bills Due by Females Who Have Been Assisted to the Colony.

Her Skirt Would Stand up Straight By Itself and Have to be Thawed Out.

His Wife Burst into Tears, Saying She Had Already Mortgaged Their Home so She Could Pay for Her Own Dredge Speculations.

An Irresistible Feeling of Solitude Overcame Me. There Was No Sound: Just a Depressing Silence.

Norman Conceded in his Mind that the Boomerang Would Crash Home Before He Could Snatch Out His Revolver.

The Sin of Cheapness: There Are Very Great Evils in Connection with the Dressmaking And Millinery Establishments.

The Poll Tax: One of the Most Mean, Most Paltry, and Most Scurvy Little Measures Ever Introduced.

Notes

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[1] Eldred-Grigg, Diggers, hatters & whores, p. 61.

[2] Griffiths & Goodall, Māori Dunedin, pp. 46-8.

[3] O’Regan, ‘Old myths and new politics’, p. 5; Pybus, The Maoris of the South Island, p. 35; Griffiths & Goodall, Māori Dunedin, p. 5.

[4] Waite, Maoris and settlers in South Otago, p. 29; Anderson, When all the moa ovens, p. 7.

[5] Tau, Ngā pikitūroa o Ngāi Tahu, p. 267ff.

[6] Anderson, The welcome of strangers, pp. 25 ff.

[7] Ngāi Tahu: A migration history, p. 72; Griffiths & Goodall, Māori Dunedin, pp. 40-1.

[8] These posts refer to Ngāi Tahu rather than the alternative southern spelling of Kāi Tahu, given that the former is the preferred term used on Te Rūnanga o Ngāi Tahu’s website. Online, Kāi Tahu is also sometimes to be seen; similarly the southern spelling of Kāti Māmoe may be found in place of Ngāti Māmoe. Kaika (settlement) is used rather than kainga, following the consistent use in Otago of the southern version.

[9] Tau, ‘Mātauranga Māori as an epistemology’, pp. 68-69.

[10] Sharp, ‘Recent juridical and constitutional histories of Māori, p. 40.

[11] Ngāi Tahu: A migration history, pp. 33-37; McLintock, The history of Otago, p. 43.

[12] Ellison, ‘Māori life and leisure’; Anderson, When all the moa ovens, p. 22.

[13] Beattie, Traditional lifeways of the southern Māori, p. 38.

[14] Anderson, The welcome of strangers, pp. 111ff.

[15] Ellison, ‘Māori life and leisure’, p. 68.

[16] Potiki, ‘Statement of evidence,’ par. 77; Beattie, Traditional lifeways of the southern Māori, e.g., pp. 125 ff., 151 ff., 334 ff.

[17] Starr, ‘Humans and the environment’, p. 53.

[18] Ellison, ‘Māori life and leisure’, p. 71.

[19] Beattie, Traditional lifeways of the southern Māori, p. 431.

[20] Griffiths & Goodall, Māori Dunedin, p. 44; Ellison, ‘Māori life and leisure’, p. 74.

[21] Anderson, The welcome of strangers, pp. 31 ff.; Griffiths & Goodall, Māori Dunedin, p. 48; Pybus, The Maoris of the South Island, p. 37.

[22] Anderson, ‘Pieces of the past’, p. 85.

[23] Anderson, When all the moa ovens, pp. 13, 24; Boon, Whalers and sealers, p. 9.

[24] Anderson, The welcome of strangers, p. 76; McLintock, The history of Otago, p. 58.

[25] McLintock, The history of Otago, p. 84; Anderson, When all the moa ovens, p. 43.

[26] Capie, ‘New Zealand and the world’, pp. 577-8.

[27] McLintock, The history of Otago, p. 63; O’Malley, The meeting place, p. 90.

[28] McLintock, The history of Otago, p. 82; Simpson, The immigrants, p. 20.

[29] Anderson, The welcome of strangers, p. 126; McAloon, ‘The New Zealand economy’, p. 200.

[30] McLintock, The history of Otago, p. 63; Wanhalla, ‘Family, community’, p. 449.

[31] Wanhalla, ‘Family, community’, p. 454.

[32] Oliver, The story of New Zealand, p. 47.

[33] Farquhar, ‘Early shipping’, pp. 136-137; Eldred-Grigg, A southern gentry, p. 7.

[34] McLintock, History of Otago, p. 100; Tohill, ‘Lands and deeds’, p. 406.

[35] Ballantyne, ‘Christianity, colonialism’, p. 45.

[36] Crosby, The forgotten wars.

[37] Ngāi Tahu: A migration history, pp. 162 ff.; Ellison, ‘Māori life and leisure’, p. 72.

[38] Ngāi Tahu: A migration history, p. 182; Ellison, ‘Māori life and leisure, p. 72.

[39] Anderson, The welcome of strangers, pp. 80 ff.

[40] Tau, ‘The death of knowledge’, p. 134.

[41] Tohill, ‘Lands and deeds’, p. 405.

[42] Te Rauparaha, Tāmihana, p. 44.

[43] McLintock, The history of Otago, p. 89; Crosby, The forgotten wars, p. 127.

[44] Ngāi Tahu: A migration history, p. 191; Crosby, The forgotten wars, p. 144.

[45] Oliver, ‘Te Rauparaha’.

[46] Crosby, The forgotten wars.

[47] McLintock, The history of Otago, p. 91.

[48] Pybus, Māori and missionary, p. 53.

[49] Te Rauparaha, Tāmihana, p. 74.

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